Fadnavis’ obsession with ‘urban naxals’, and a lawless Beed

Why is chief minister Devendra Fadnavis so keen on having a special law to deal with ‘urban naxals’? He piloted the Maharashtra Special Public Security Act in the inaugural winter session of the Maharashtra state assembly session this month (after an abortive attempt at the last session before the assembly elections). Citing a 2012 report in which as many as 180 grassroots organisations were listed as having links with Naxalite groups, the chief minister justified the need for a new law. He claimed that 40 of those on this list took part in the Bharat Jodo Yatra, and specifically named Bharat Jodo Abhiyan led by Yogendra Yadav. Fadnavis also claimed that these groups had held a secret meeting in Kathmandu on 15 November in order to plan unrest in Maharashtra and launch an attack on EVMs in those constituencies where the BJP was likely to win.

Yogendra Yadav, convenor of the Bharat Jodo Abhiyan, an umbrella organisation of Gandhian, socialist and Ambedkarite grassroots organisations, has dared Fadnavis to make the list public. The Abhiyan, he said, believes in Gandhian non-violence and had openly supported the Bharat Jodo Yatra and the MVA (Maha Vikas Aghadi) in the Maharashtra assembly election. There was nothing clandestine about its activities. Since the chief minister clearly knew more than he did, perhaps Fadnavis should enlighten him, Yadav suggested. He also pointed out that the situation in Maharashtra is hardly bad enough to warrant another draconian law to deal with ‘urban naxals’. And if it was indeed so bad, what had the state government done about it in the last few years?

Several observers believe that the BJP government anticipates a number of popular unrests in the state in the coming months and is gearing up to deal with people’s anger.

With protests gathering momentum in Markadwadi, Nashik and other places against the alleged manipulation of votes through EVMs, the government also anticipates agitations against the Adani Group.

The Dharavi ‘redevelopment’ project is another flashpoint. Multiple allegations of corruption against the previous Mahayuti government are expected to spark fresh protests over ongoing grievances: a long term energy procurement contract, a port coming up at Vadhvan, massive swathes of land—including Mumbai’s precious salt pans—being handed over to the Adani group for the Dharavi project and the bullet train project, bribery related to land acquisition and construction of the Samruddhi Mahamarg.

The Maharashtra Special Public Security Act seems tailor-made to give the police a free hand. It prescribes a fine of Rs 2 lakh and a two-year prison term for being a member of an unlawful organisation, a fine of Rs 3 lakh and a prison term of three years for managing activities of an unlawful organisation, a prison term of five years and a fine of Rs 7 lakh for taking part in an unlawful activity. It also allows the state to freeze and confiscate assets—investments, securities, land and other property.

Expectedly, the definition of unlawful organisations and activities has been kept vague enough to include anybody and everybody. Offences under the proposed Act will be both cognisable and nonbailable, allowing the police to make arrests without warrants and bail available only through the courts. The Bill has been sent to the Joint Select Committee and will be introduced again in the next assembly session.

It was during Fadnavis’s last tenure as chief minister that the Maharashtra police initiated the infamous Bhima-Koregaon conspiracy case. Though the case is crumbling in court, it enabled the police to arrest a large number of human rights activists including Sudha Bharadwaj, Gautam Navlakha and Anand Teltumbde in addition to Father Stan Swamy (who died in prison), Rona Wilson, Surendra Gadling, Vernon Gonsalves and Prof. Shoma Sen. Activists and civil society believe Fadnavis is setting the stage for a sequel.

Murders most foul

While the chief minister was piloting the draconian bill, the abduction and brutal murder of Santosh Deshmukh, a popular sarpanch in Massajog village, Beed district, threatened to singe both Fadnavis and one of his ministers, Dhananjay Munde of Ajit Pawar’s NCP. The mastermind Valmik Karad is accused of being involved in more than a dozen cases of murder, kidnapping and extortion. Karad, whose mafia-style operations are striking terror in the region, is believed to be patronised by Dhananjay Munde and other political leaders who have turned Beed into a lawless hub of extortion and crime. Some quarters are calling Beed the murder capital of Maharashtra, making the ‘Gangs of Massajog’ a real-life scenario akin to that depicted in the film Gangs of Wasseypur. The Opposition has demanded Munde resign on account of his alleged close links with Karad.

As Maharashtra’s home minister for the last three years, Devendra Fadnavis was blamed for poor law and order and a failure to curb crime. As CM who retained the home portfolio, Fadnavis faces the twin challenges of dealing with the gangsters of Beed and growing unrest in Parbhani following the death of 35-year-old Dalit Somnath Suryavanshi in police custody.

Though judicial inquiries have been announced in both cases, they are widely seen as face-saving exercises to buy time with the hope that the crises will simmer down.

What has complicated things for Fadnavis is that the murdered sarpanch happened to be a BJP worker; and that demands for Dhananjay Munde’s resignation are being raised by sections of the BJP as well. MPs from Sharad Pawar’s NCP also met Union home minister Amit Shah and called for a CBI inquiry. Karad is now being described as a psychopath and a serial killer.

It is difficult to imagine that neither police nor politicians had any inkling of his doings. Valmik Karad and Munde are not only close, they are also both on the board of directors for a sugar mill and other companies. While Karad is yet to be arrested, those arrested from Karad’s gang are accused of having demanded a ‘hafta’ of Rs 2 crore each from two renewable energy firms. Following Deshmukh’s murder—for reportedly confronting the extortionists— the firms have come forward to file complaints of intimidation and extortion.

Meanwhile, over 28,000 gram panchayats across Maharashtra have announced a bandh on 9 January 2025 to protest against the murder.

Missing portraits lead to threatening phone calls

After 70 years, New Delhi will host the Akhil Bharatiya Marathi Sahitya Sammelan in February. India’s first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru had inaugurated the first session in 1954; the 98th session will be inaugurated by present prime minister Narendra Modi. Sharad Pawar, who heads the reception committee, extended the invitation to the PM on behalf of the organisers. The event promises to make quite a splash.

Hard Hindutva followers are not quite happy though. They criticised the absence of Nathuram Godse and Savarkar’s portraits on the invitation which carries portraits of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj, Gopalkrishna Gokhale, Lokmanya Tilak, Jyotiba Phule, Babasaheb Ambedkar, C.D. Deshmukh and Pratibha Patil. It seems a spate of phone calls to the organisers ensued—threatening that either the gates at the venue should be named after Godse and Savarkar or else they would face the consequences.