The unmaking of AAP was its own doing

AAP’s downfall paradoxically opens new opportunities for a more coherent opposition, writes Ashok Swain

An anti-corruption crusader, Arvind Kejriwal soon found it opportune to pander to Hindutva sentiment
An anti-corruption crusader, Arvind Kejriwal soon found it opportune to pander to Hindutva sentiment
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Ashok Swain

In 2020, after Arvind Kejriwal and his Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) secured a second big victory in the Delhi elections, I wrote a column for Nikkei Asia Review, arguing that there wasn’t much to choose between Modi and Kejriwal — both were authoritarians with a majoritarian bias.

While Modi’s Hindutva agenda was explicit, Kejriwal’s was instrumental — subtler yet equally dangerous. One of the clearest signs of this was Kejriwal’s enthusiastic support for the abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019, which stripped the Muslim-majority state of Jammu & Kashmir of its limited autonomy.

Rather than opposing the move on democratic and Constitutional grounds, Kejriwal chose to align himself with the nationalist spin, signalling his willingness to accommodate majoritarian politics. Five years later, the tables have turned, with AAP suffering a massive defeat and the BJP seizing control of Delhi for the first time in 27 years.

While some may see this as a blow to Opposition politics, AAP’s downfall could, in fact, strengthen Indian democracy and secularism in the long run. Arvind Kejriwal entered politics with grand promises of waging an all-out war on corruption and transforming governance. His political journey began on the back of an RSS-supported anti-corruption movement in the early 2010s.

When AAP first formed the Delhi government in 2013 and subsequently won two consecutive landslide victories in 2015 and 2020, many saw it as a gamechanger — the emergence of a viable third alternative in Indian politics. It drew a lot of people initially, who bought into the party’s transparency spiel and its pledge to uphold accountability in governance, but over time, those lofty ideals eroded beyond repair. Kejriwal’s government came to be tainted by corruption scandals, opportunistic alliances and attempts to pander to Hindu majoritarian sentiment.

His party’s crushing defeat in 2025 is, therefore, not just a political setback for AAP but a moment of reckoning for Indian democracy.

Kejriwal’s rise was facilitated substantially by India’s so-called liberals and certain sections of the media, who aggressively promoted him as a messianic figure in Indian politics — an anti-corruption crusader and a principled alternative to the entrenched political elite. For years, Kejriwal enjoyed uncritical support, with media outlets and social media platforms portraying him as a revolutionary leader who could upend traditional politics.

However, this projection increasingly stood in contrast to his political manoeuvres and his style of governance. Over time, his populist tactics, his intolerance of dissenting views in the party, and the conspicuous majoritarian bias stood exposed, eroding his credibility among the set that had hitherto propped up his manufactured image.

AAP was initially seen as a centrist, secular alternative to the Congress and the BJP. But in more recent years, the mask has fallen off — think of his government’s (non-)stand on the Delhi riots, of the competitive virtue-signalling during the inauguration of the Ram Mandir, of the recitation of Hanuman Chalisa and other such overt public projections of Hindu religiosity.

His silence on the plight of Delhi’s Muslims, particularly after the 2020 riots, alienated a significant portion of the electorate that once saw AAP as a protector of secular values. In trying to outdo the BJP at its Hindutva game — with his own brand of competitive Hindu religiosity while winking at the BJP’s openly communal politics — Kejriwal not only lost the trust of the progressive and minority voters but also failed to win the confidence of the BJP’s core electorate.

After a decade in power, voter fatigue had also set in. While AAP’s initial governance model focused on welfare schemes like free electricity, water and education, these policies were no longer enough to counter the rising disaffection with its governance failures. Issues like pollution, unconvincing upgrades in urban infrastructure, and the government’s paralysis in the face of an obstructionist Centre contributed to its decline.


Kejriwal’s grand ambition to be seen as the primary opposition figure against Modi also puts him at odds with the broader anti-BJP front. His refusal to wholeheartedly back the Congress-led INDIA bloc weakened the Opposition. Instead of consolidating forces against the BJP, AAP’s political manoeuvres led to fractures in the opposition camp. His ambition has hurt the Congress in key elections in Goa, Gujarat and Haryana, where AAP’s foray split the anti-BJP vote, ultimately helping the BJP. By prioritising his national aspirations over Opposition unity, Kejriwal contributed to the consolidation of BJP’s dominance in these states.

While the BJP’s victory raises concerns about its deepening hold over Indian politics, AAP’s downfall paradoxically opens new opportunities for a more coherent and effective Opposition. With AAP significantly weakened, the Congress now has a clearer path to asserting itself as the principal challenger to the BJP’s Hindutva politics. A fragmented opposition has been one of the biggest advantages for the BJP in recent years. With AAP’s influence waning, the Congress-led INDIA bloc can now work towards a more unified opposition front.

AAP’s defeat in Delhi should also caution other parties nurturing national ambitions that ideological inconsistency and opportunism backfire in the long run — there is a lesson in Kejriwal’s attempt to mix welfare politics with soft Hindutva. It underscores the need for ideological consistency and commitment to sustain political credibility in the long term. For AAP, this defeat is an existential crisis.

The party must now decide whether to return to its foundational principles or risk further decline. Kejriwal’s own political future is in jeopardy, especially given the criminal cases against him and the loss of his assembly seat. The party’s influence in Punjab—a state it currently governs—may also come under threat as instability mounts and questions arise on the leadership. For the broader Opposition, the 2025 Delhi election provides a moment of clarity. A divided front with competing ambitions is a recipe for failure. The Congress and other opposition parties must use this moment to consolidate forces and offer a viable national alternative to Modi’s BJP. The challenge ahead is to move beyond reactionary politics and present a substantive vision that resonates with India’s diverse electorate.

ASHOK SWAIN is a professor of peace and conflict research at Uppsala University, Sweden

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