Foreign interference at election time a serious transgression

Last month, Imran Khan stated to the effect that there was a better prospect of peace between India and Pakistan if Narendra Modi returned to power. Needless to mention, the timing of the remark was undiplomatic, for voting was already underway in the Indian general election; therefore, the intervention amounted to nothing but an interference in India’s internal affairs.

A secular India under Congress has been a matter of great discomfort for the protagonists of and establishment in Pakistan. It jettisons their justification for a Muslim homeland. Correspondingly, an aggressively pro-Hindu Bharatiya Janata Party in power is a most gratifying development for the powers-that-be in Pakistan. It vindicates the Muslim League contention that Muslims would be unsafe under a Hindu majority in undivided India. The BJP gang’s treatment of minorities in the past five years, has underscored the apprehension. Peace-loving Pakistanis, enthusiastic about Modi five years ago, have performed a somersault because of his war-mongering and the insecurity of Indian Muslims.

Najam Sethi, editor-in-chief of The Friday Times in Pakistan, who has also served as acting chief minister of Pakistani Punjab and chairman of the Pakistan Cricket Board, explained Khan’s position by saying a “strong” Modi government was more likely to deliver peace with Pakistan than a “weak” Congress-led government, whose efforts would, he added, be scuttled by BJP. While BJP’s obstinacy in opposition is legion, facts fly in the face of Sethi’s assertion.

Pakistan has generally been outwitted by Congress. Check-mated in 1947-48, worse off in 1965 and dismembered in 1971, it also repeatedly failed to cope with the party on the diplomatic stage. It is also true the closest the two nations have come to a rapprochement on Kashmir was when Manmohan Singh was prime minister. Implementation of a most favoured nation (MFN) trade and investment arrangement would also have occurred under Singh had this not been scuttled by BJP.

The fundamental difference between the Congress and the BJP vis-à-vis policy towards Pakistan is a realistic (though not always consistent) approach of the former in contrast to the desperation of the latter to prove itself. Indeed, it is not a coincidence that Pakistan infiltrated into Kargil when Atal Bihari Vajpayee was prime minister – causing a colossal loss of Indian soldiers’ lives to restore a status quo ante – and have run circles around Modi.

Another opinion doing the rounds about Imran remarks – other than the usual one of the Pakistan Army having dictated this to him – is of a Chinese game-plan of fostering division within India – which Modi’s continuance in power would undoubtedly intensify – and such disunity weakening rather than empowering India.

There’s one more take on the issue. The Pakistan Army justifies installing Khan in government on the grounds of the Pakistani public no longer wanting political dynasties – code for side-lining the Sharifs and the Zardaris. There was no empirical evidence to substantiate this point of view. It is understandable, though, that by endorsing Modi and not Rahul Gandhi, Khan was sending out a message to Pakistanis to support him.

Overseas meddling in the current Indian elections began with a peace prize being awarded to Modi in South Korea in February. Ironically this happened soon after the Indian Air Force’s strike on Balakot. Besides, 26 NGOs in South Korea described the conferment as a “disgrace”. They added Modi “does not deserve the honour as he has a history of being complicit in violence against Muslims in India”.

Which brings us to the award announced for Modi by the United Arab Emirates. The UAE has committed $7-8 billion of FDI into India since Modi wooing it. But what has it obtained in return. What benefit has it derived from the strategic partnership? The crown prince of Abu Dhabi – and foreign affairs is its preserve - and Modi have of course hit it off and this could be the reason for the recognition.

Most astonishing of all is the proclamation of an award to Modi by Russia - normally not associated with clumsiness - a week after the UAE declaration. The Soviet Union’s ties with India were essentially with Congress. The Russian Federation conduct of policy towards India has hitherto not tilted towards any political party. Therefore, its attention to Modi is unusual and unbecoming of a polished power.

The purpose of Modi’s informal meeting with President Vladimir Putin in Sochi last year was to assuage him after India’s drift towards America. The elevation of the bilateral relationship to “a special privileged strategic partnership” was for the record. In practical terms the India’s $2.2 billion order for Russian S400 missile defence systems in an enhanced military-technical cooperation would have pleased Russia.

In short, consistent with Modi’s hankering for plaudits from abroad and entwining propaganda with it was orchestrated and timed for electoral gain. May 23 will tell whether such endeavour has paid off.