Caste census: why it matters to map it right

He is credited with the idea of hosting Samvidhan Sabhas to spread awareness about the rights guaranteed by the Indian Constitution. He has been instrumental in revamping the Congress party organisation in Bihar and has worked to build the campaign in favour of holding a caste census. Social activist and chairman of the OBC wing of the AICC, Anil Jaihind, as he likes to be called, took time off to speak to Vishwadeepak. Excerpts:

Why is caste still such an overriding factor in our country, despite educational and technological advances, modernisation and globalisation? And why is the Congress’s long-standing demand for a caste census now being pushed by the BJP?

We are all human beings, homo sapiens if you like. Biologically or racially there is no such construct as caste. However, the caste system is entrenched in Indian society. Scriptures like the Vedas sanctified caste. People still don’t dare find matches for their children outside their own caste. No Dalit has ever become a Shankaracharya. Temple priests must be Brahmins. The head of the RSS has been a Chitpavan Brahmin for the past hundred years.

The Supreme Court has 34 judges. Over the years, more than 300 individuals have served as Supreme Court judges. But how many of them have come from Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) or Other Backward Classes (OBC)?

Among the OBCs, Yadavs are considered educationally and financially better off. How many Yadavs have been appointed Supreme Court judges? There is something seriously wrong if the representation is confined to 10 per cent of the population.

We don’t yet know if this is due to discrimination or lack of social capital. We are poorly informed, which is why a caste census has become necessary. Policies should be based on facts, not religion or ideology.

Why did Rahul Gandhi criticise the Bihar caste survey and recommend the Telangana model? How is it better?

For starters, the survey in Telangana was far more elaborate. The SEEEPC (Socio-Economic, Educational, Employment, Political and Caste Survey) 2024 collected information across 74 categories — like education, jobs, income and banking access — across different castes. A Comprehensive Backwardness Index (CBI) is being created using AI to track progress; this will be reviewed every 10 years.

Each caste has its own set of challenges. Some may be doing fine economically but lag in education; so tailored policies are needed.

An expert panel — including former SC judge Sudarshan Reddy, sociologist Kancha Ilaiah and data expert and Professional Congress chief Praveen Chakravarty — is analysing the data. Policies are being shaped based on their findings. It’s work in progress and will be updated regularly. As Rahulji said, Telangana’s survey is more systematic and scientific than others.

Why do you think the BJP and PM Modi suddenly agreed to a caste census, after vehemently opposing it for all these years and vilifying it as an ‘urban-Naxal’ idea? Why the sudden U-turn after the Pahalgam terror attack?

The fundamental difference between the two parties is that the Congress supports decentralising power, while RSS-BJP favours centralising authority and control, even over knowledge. They opposed the caste census fearing uncomfortable questions. If 90 per cent of the people are invisible and not represented adequately in the government, in the judiciary, in the media and in the private sector, where have they gone? Public pressure forced them to revise their stand.

Modiji used to say there are only four castes — women, youth, farmers and the poor. But even he could not ignore the pressure from the people. You will recall that immediately after RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat met Modiji — at his residence, a first in 11 years — the Modi government announced the caste census. That can’t be a coincidence.

How will the Congress address the criticism that it had opposed the Mandal Commission’s recommendations?

This is wrong. When the Congress was formed in 1885, nobody was thinking about what an independent India would look like. The Congress deliberated on the Constitution, which remains one of the most progressive documents of the last century.

The very first amendment, Article 15(4), which introduced reservations for socially and educationally backward communities, was initiated by the Congress. Interestingly, Syama Prasad Mookerjee was a vocal opponent of this amendment.

When the Constitution was finalised on 26 January 1949, who opposed it? It was the then RSS chief, M.S. Golwalkar. Just three days later, he wrote an article saying, ‘We don’t accept this Constitution because it’s not based on Manusmriti.’

Even before the Mandal Commission recommendations came into play, reservation policies were already active in about 10 to 12 states, thanks to the Congress. At the heart of this struggle is a battle between those pushing for equality and those backing inequality.

Coming back to Bihar, where does the Congress stand given that OBC votes appear divided between the RJD and BJP?

The Extremely Backward Castes (EBCs) and the Dalits are the most aware and alert about the caste census.

While EBCs were split between Nitish Kumar and BJP, they are now leaning towards the Congress. Starting 1 June, a new president will lead a newly formed department within the Bihar unit, boosting the growing EBC movement as it begins to make its presence felt.

Can you elaborate?

Nitish Kumar had two social bases in Bihar: women and the EBCs. We believe both are drifting away. The EBCs will not move either towards the RJD or the BJP. In addition, our new state president is a Dalit. Together, Dalits and EBCs will hopefully strengthen the party’s campaign for social justice in Bihar.

Talk of caste census or social justice makes the Savarnas uncomfortable. The BJP is projecting PM Modi as the tallest OBC leader. Isn’t it awkward for the Congress?

It is a fact that Modiji happens to be from an OBC caste. But have Savarnas stopped voting for the BJP? Whenever the privileges of a privileged class are dented, some degree of discontent follows. Eventually they learn to look at it rationally and a consensus does evolve.

The opposition to caste census appears to be strong among Muslims as well.

Here’s where Hindus and Muslims think alike. Which Syed would want to marry his son or daughter to a pasmanda or backward Muslim? Which Pathan would marry his son or daughter to a Salmani (barber)? The challenges faced by Muslim OBCs and pasmanda Muslims are no different from those faced by other backward communities, and they too should benefit from reservation.

Former Rajya Sabha MP Ali Anwar has long championed this cause. Now with the Congress and on the manifesto committee in Bihar, he has been tirelessly speaking and writing about this issue.

Some fear that a caste census could spark conflict — not just among sub-castes within OBC, EBC and SC-ST communities, but also between these groups and the more dominant castes. Would you say such fears are misplaced?

People have many misconceptions. Take the Yadavs and Kurmis, two of the more powerful castes among the OBCs. It’s not simply because someone is a Yadav or a Kurmi that they benefit from reservation. Only those who fall outside the creamy layer are eligible. The same logic applies to EWS reservations, which are based purely on economic criteria. That’s why there’s a growing demand to redefine OBC reservations — not as caste-based, but as economically driven.

Take Bihar, for example. Yadavs make up over 14 per cent of the population, but their representation in government jobs is only around 3–4 per cent. A caste census will bring these disparities to light.

You are credited with the idea of hosting Samvidhan Sabhas or conferences on the Constitution. How effective and beneficial have they been?

The credit goes to the EBC activists of Bihar. We held the first Samvidhan Sabha in Patna on 18 January. We invited Rahulji. He sat in the audience and listened to the discussion. The speakers did not spare the Congress or even Rahulji. Most of them were not politicians but social workers.

One of them openly said, “Sir, you always talk about caste census, social justice etc. but out of the 38 district presidents of the Congress in Bihar, 26 are from the same caste.” This startled everyone. You must have noticed that changes began to be initiated soon after.

Bihar’s society is still feudal. People were afraid to even enter the party office. If you visit now, you will find the atmosphere markedly different. Now it feels like they are going to a fair.

We hear the Congress is leaning towards ‘consociational’ democracy. Could you explain the concept?

Prof. Arend Lijphart from the University of California came up with the idea. He found that deeply divided societies settled on a form of power sharing and representation that he called ‘consociational’ (the word stems from consensus). Such democracies usually have four important features: governments made up of coalitions, some freedom for regions or groups to govern themselves, fair representation in elections and public jobs, and a special right for minorities to block decisions that might harm them.

He cited Switzerland and Belgium as examples. Many European countries use similar ideas. Consensus and power-sharing, he believed, is what helps democracies survive.