Unspoken fear and uneasy calm in Sambhal

The roads leading to the Shahi Jama Masjid here are heavily guarded. Police checkpoints and barricades encircle the mosque, a stark reminder of the violence that rocked this town in western Uttar Pradesh in November 2024. Access to the mosque’s main entrance is restricted, and visitors are required to navigate narrow alleys on either side to reach it. Surveillance is strict. If pedestrians linger, policemen ask what they are up to.

Taking photographs is discouraged and people are directed to keep moving. Built in 1526 and protected by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), the mosque hit the headlines when a local court admitted a petition claiming it was built over a temple. The court directed the ASI to conduct a survey. Galvanised into action, the police and an ASI team began the survey the very same day (24 November 2024). Despite being taken aback, the mosque management committee cooperated, reasoning that the ASI was responsible for maintaining the mosque.

When the team returned with many more policemen and directed a tank inside to be drained of water, a crowd gathered. Heated exchanges were followed by stone pelting and soon the situation spiralled out of control. Residents claim that four Muslims were killed in police firing, but the police claim the firing came from the people in the crowd. Not a single policeman sustained a bullet injury.

Around 80 Muslims who were arrested are still in jail, among them the president of the mosque’s management committee, Zafar Ali. A practising lawyer, and the oldest among those jailed, Ali was arrested on 23 March — days before he was to depose before an inquiry commission set up by the state government. Arrest warrants are said to have been issued against scores of Muslim youth, some of whom are said to be in hiding.

Notices have been served on many more to execute bonds of good conduct. Those who are in prison are unable to secure bail because they are too poor to put up bail bonds for the stipulated amounts.

Ahmedullah (name changed on request), a resident of the old city, confides that he was forced to delay his daughter’s wedding as one of his sons is in prison. The other son, who is a student in another city and was not even present in Sambhal on the day of the violence, was also booked by the police. He dares not visit his home and family for fear of being imprisoned.

He is not the only one. There are several Muslim youth, studying or working outside, who have not been back to Sambhal since November 2024, convinced that they would be targeted by the police if they do. The fear of the police is all-pervasive. Victims of police action — injured, killed or otherwise affected — have refrained from filing complaints. Farhana (name changed on request), a resident of Chaudhary Sarai, alleges that her son was beaten by the police after being taken from their home. She has not filed any complaint, afraid that it would add to the trouble and lead to legal complications.

At the intersection of Shankar College, a Vajra (riot control vehicle) is parked ominously, while policemen sit on chairs by the college gate. In the backdrop, a saffron flag flutters in the breeze and a signboard reads, ‘I Love Sambhal’. The signboard has been put up by the municipality in an apparent effort to project normalcy and cheer. On the right, a frayed AIMIM (Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen) flag hangs precariously from an electric pole. Prior to the incident, the municipal ground would come alive in the late afternoons with volleyball players.

The PAC (Provincial Armed Constabulary) trucks that are parked there have driven the players away. The bustling market in Sambhal seems to suggest that all is well and it’s business as usual. But there is unspoken fear in people’s eyes. Once convinced that the stranger is no threat, they loosen up a little and relax their forced smiles. Since 24 November, the administration’s actions have weighed heavily on the town’s Muslim population.

Their fears are not misplaced. There has been no let-up in the search for ‘Hindu’ shrines in Sambhal. Nor have ‘surveys’ of Muslim shrines, dargahs and mosques ceased. Caretakers confide that inquiries, notices, surveys focusing on their income records between 2019 and 2025 have become routine.

Reckless statements made and amplified by the media keep the communal cauldron simmering. On 15 April, the controversial ‘godman’ and ‘Hindu religious leader’ Ram Bhadracharya declared that 40 per cent of Sambhal’s population were opposed to ‘sanatan dharma’. He added for good measure that they would be vanquished by Kalki, the 10th avatar of Vishnu, destined to be reborn in Sambhal. However, there are signs that even the aggressors are tiring of the siege.

With trade having taken a hit, even BJP workers say it’s time to ease the tension. Businesses were already facing tough times, and the violence and its aftermath strained both trade and personal relationships. Rameshwar Agarwal (name changed on request), a shop owner near Chandausi Chowraha, claims that outsiders are attempting to provoke unrest. In the marketplace, one heard whispers about politically ambitious policemen using the media to plant news that would keep inflaming sentiments.

Rehan, a resident of Nakhasa market, believes that most policemen and government officials are neutral and fair. A few of them, he says, have turned rogue in the hope of currying favour with the ruling party and possibly to contest elections.

Ajay Yadav (name changed on request) from Asmoli claimed that a police officer aspiring for a BJP ticket is to be blamed for the disturbances. His suggestion? Impose a ban on contesting elections for five or 10 years after leaving government service and the situation would calm down overnight. He refused to name the officer.

Meraj believes the administration deliberately fomented the tension to demoralise Muslims. The relative prosperity of Muslims in Sambhal — Pathans, Sheikhs, Turks and Syeds — influenced the decision to show them their place. Rajesh (name changed on request), seemed to confirm this theory, though he framed it differently. Muslims knew they were dominant in Sambhal. That arrogance has now been curbed by the Bharatiya Janata Party.

Rajya Sabha MP Javed Ali Khan, who hails from Sambhal and is from the Samajwadi Party, claims that despite the concerted efforts of the ruling party, the police, the media and external forces, local people have foiled plans to sow discord between the two communities. They have always lived harmoniously and will not allow Sambhal to become another Ayodhya or Kashi.

That may sound wishful, but local BJP leaders are by and large keeping quiet. Provocative statements have come from DSP Anuj Chaudhary, the lawyer Vishnu Shankar Jain, Ram Bhadracharya and Pramod Tyagi, a turncoat who defected to the BJP and now goes by the name of Pramod Krishnam. Most BJP leaders who have built their political and business fortunes here are reluctant to disrupt their connect with either community.