The simple yet powerful truth of Shaheen Bagh

On the 5th anniversary of the storied Shaheen Bagh protests in Delhi — from 15 December 2019 to 24 March 2020 — we present excerpts from the prison diaries of PhD scholar Sharjeel Imam, seen as one of the prime movers of the protests, who was arrested on charges of sedition for alleged inflammatory speeches on 13 December 2019 and 16 January 2020.

I have already spent nearly four years in jail, and while I did anticipate being imprisoned on trumped-up charges due to my involvement in Shaheen Bagh, I had mentally prepared myself for it. What I did not expect, however, was to be accused of ‘terrorism’, especially for riots that occurred a month after my arrest.

This speaks of the lengths the current regime will go to [in order to] suppress dissent and keep people like me behind bars. The only real anguish I feel in this prolonged and unnecessary incarceration is the thought of my ageing and ailing mother. My father passed away nine years ago, and since then, it has just been me and my younger brother [who] support her. I submit to God’s will and spend my time reading as much as I can. As long as I have meaningful and interesting books, I find solace, and the world outside doesn’t affect me much.

I think of Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolu-tionary, who spent two years in prison and was under house arrest before his death.From him, I learned this powerful dua: “O God, grant me strength to change what I can change, and accept what I cannot.” It is with this prayer that I try to work on myself. But as the years drag on, I do worry about my mother, my brother and the world outside. I wonder if my presence could have made any difference, or if I have missed something that can never be recovered.

Shaheen Bagh stands as a milestone in Indian history — a peaceful sit-in protest on a major highway, led first by students and later sustained by women for nearly three months, interrupted only by the pandemic-induced lockdown. In my view, this movement represents the culmination of multiple significant trends in the recent history of Muslims in India — the rise of an educated Muslim middle class, increasing communalisation and Islamophobia, the frustration that Muslims

felt in the first-past-the-post electoral system, the brute majoritarian legislative adventurism of the BJP which the above-mentioned factors led to such as the CAA, the abolition of 370 and the bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir, the indifferent attitude of ‘secular’ parties and, finally, the attempt of the BJP to appear as the ‘saviour’ of Muslim women, which they rejected in overwhelming numbers.

An important feature of this protest was that, although it was spontaneous, it would not have been possible without the united effort of a group of Muslim scholars from JNU, the IITs and Jamia. Scholars including me had been advocating sit-ins on highways and chakka-jams for quite a few days, and without our presence on 15 December on that highway, it would have been just another juloos (march), not a continuous sit-in.

In the initial days, every moment of the Shaheen Bagh protest was a struggle. Rogue elements, likely operating under police instructions, sought to disrupt the peaceful demonstration from the very first night, attempting to incite violence and derail the movement. The harsh winter nights added to the challenge, yet a dedicated group of a few dozen individuals, supported by an increasing number of women from the second week onward, remained steadfast.

Resistance also came from various quarters, including Resident Welfare Associations (RWAs) and large shopkeepers along thehighway. However, smaller shopkeepers and vendors were more supportive. Even some local ulema initially resisted the movement. Engaging with these different interest groups became a round-the-clock task, especially in the early days. Despite our commitment, we did not anticipate the protest lasting as long as it ultimately did.

The participation of women was a particularly contentious issue during the first week. Many women initially joined only in the afternoons, sitting or standing on the steps of closed roadside shops. By the second week, however, a safe and designated space for them was established near the stage, and the stage management was handed over to young female students to minimise conflict. While achieving perfect order was challenging as the crowds grew rapidly, significant progress was made.

To strengthen morale and foster unity, two community iftars were organised during the first two weeks, alongside daily namaz where men and women prayed together in congregation. By the second week, Friday prayers on the highway had begun, drawing thousands of participants. Men prayed on one side of the divider and women on the other, creating a powerful symbol of collective resistance and solidarity. These efforts helped to shape the protest into a historic and enduring movement.

I was fortunate to address the congregation on both Fridays after the namaz — a novel experience for me as well. In all of these struggles, students, professionals, workers and lawyers of Shaheen Bagh were the main supporting forces. By the end of December, it had become a sustainable and popular model, where only a small proportion of the community was required to be present at a particular time.

During the critical 18 days between 15 December 2019 and 3 January 2020, when our group had temporarily withdrawn from Shaheen Bagh, a sustainable model for the protest began to take shape. This period witnessed the remarkable coming together of highly educated Muslim youth, both men and women. These individuals, alongside student workers and professionals, became the backbone of Shaheen Bagh. Their efforts were bolstered by the support of Dalit and backward-caste organisations like BAPSA, BAMCEF and certain leftist groups.

The first 10 days were particularly pivotal. At that time, Shaheen Bagh had not yet gained the momentum or visibility it later achieved. It wasn’t yet a sustainable movement or a widely recognised symbol of resistance. Media coverage was sparse, limited primarily to platforms like the Wire and a few smaller outlets. Despite this, the dedication of this collective of Muslim scholars, supported by grass-roots mobilisation and allied organisations, transformed Shaheen Bagh into a landmark in Indian history.

By 25 December, Reuters had extensively covered the protest, bringing Shaheen Bagh into the global spotlight. This triggered widespread attention from Indian media and politicians, marking the turning point of the movement. What followed was a historic ripple effect, as Shaheen Bagh inspired similar protests across the nation.

This was perhaps the first autonomous, large-scale act of collective resistance led by an educated body of Muslim youth in Indian history. It showcased their ability to inde-pendently organise, inspire solidarity and energise the masses, leaving an indeliblemark on the country’s social and political landscape. As Ghalib aptly wrote:

‘Dikhaaoonga tamasha dee agar fursat zamane ne/ Mera har daagh-e-dil ik tukham hai sarv-e-Chavagan ka (I will reveal a spectacle to the world, if time allows/ Each wound on my heart is a seed for the flourishing of lofty cypresses)’.

I hope Shaheen Bagh conveys a simple yet powerful truth: resistance to authoritarian regimes is not only possible, it can be achieved peacefully through the collective action of the masses. History shows that in times of crisis, people overcome their internal contradictions for the greater good. Another key message I hope it delivers is the vital role of organic leadership — particularly that of educated youth from within the community.