Haryana: Students’ unrest and caste assertions

The Chaudhary Charan Singh Haryana Agricultural University (HAU) in Hisar, one of Asia’s largest agricultural universities, is fast earning the moniker of ‘JNU of Haryana’ — not for its academic discourse, but for student-led protests.

What began as a protest over cuts in scholarship by the BJP-led state government, has now turned into a full-blown resistance by students against financial exclusion and institutional repression.

At the heart of the controversy is a new scholarship policy introduced by the university administration — allegedly at the behest of the state government — slashing the number of students eligible for monthly stipends.

Earlier, all MSc and PhD students scoring 70 per cent or more (or an OGPA of 7.5) were eligible for stipends ranging from Rs 3,000 to Rs 12,000. The new rules restricted this support to only the top 25 per cent students while raising the qualifying marks to 75 per cent.

The impact has been severe. For many, this meant instant disqualification, especially for those from rural and economically weaker backgrounds who relied on this amount for subsistence and research. Students argue that this policy is not just exclusionary but also regressive and that even the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR), the apex body for agricultural education in India, does not impose such narrow, merit-based filters.

Critics see the move as part of a larger ideological shift within higher education — from inclusive welfare to elitist gatekeeping.

The university’s justification — financial constraints and the need to foster ‘competition’ — has found few takers. “If everyone gets a stipend, there is no competition,” the university administration said. But this logic, students contend, undermines the very idea of public education as a level-playing field.

Matters came to a head on 10 June when protesting students were allegedly manhandled. Several girl students claimed their hostel mess services were suspended and water supply cut. With protests continuing, chief minister Nayab Singh Saini intervened and the scholarship policy was rolled back. But the students’ anger on campus simmers.

They are now demanding the removal of the vice-chancellor — and a written assurance from the government that such policies will not be reintroduced. The Congress party has seized the moment to attack the BJP and accusing it of systematically dismantling academic institutions and stifling dissent. NSUI chief Varun Chaudhary visited the HAU campus to express solidarity with the students.

As the standoff continues, HAU has become a microcosm of the larger battle and symbol of defiance in one of the university campuses governed by the BJP.

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‘Jai Shri Krishna’ as a war cry

Bhawanpur village in Rewari district is witnessing another kind of protest. Locals — led by the Haspatal Sangharsh Samiti — are demanding the construction of a 200-bed hospital on land donated by farmers. Farmers had donated 10 acres for the hospital and a water distribution system and are accusing the government of breaching that social contract. Politically significant here is the active participation of the Ahir–Yadav community, traditionally seen as a loyal vote bank of the BJP in southern Haryana.

What further sets this agitation apart is its unique cultural tone. The chant of ‘Jai Shri Krishna’ — a deep-rooted cultural and religious expression of the Ahir community that traces its lineage to Lord Krishna — echoes through the protests. This fusion of caste pride, civic demand and religious identity signals a broader assertion with ramifications for the ruling BJP, feel political watchers in Haryana.

Tensions escalated on 16 June when protestors attempted to meet Union minister Rao Inderjit Singh — the local MP and one of the tallest Ahir leaders — but claim they were denied an audience. Rao’s refusal to meet has only intensified the community’s sense of betrayal, say Haryana watchers.

Addressing a mahapanchayat in Bhawanpur in June-end, prominent social activist and Swaraj India leader Yogendra Yadav said, “I apologise on behalf of Rao Inderjit Singh. The people of this region gave him immense respect and power. People kept their promises, but the leader did not.”

Another speaker, Rajendra Comrade, warned: “If Rao doesn’t apologise, the protest will escalate.” The villagers have set a 12 July deadline for start of construction.

Speaking to National Herald, one protester asked: “The prime minister inaugurates AIIMS and his photo flashes across TV screens. He has time to cut ribbons but no time for farmers?”

This isn’t the only demand gaining traction among the Ahir–Yadavs. They have also been mobilising around the long-standing demand for the creation of an Ahir Regiment in the Army inspired by the memory of the Battle of Rezang La (1962), where Ahir soldiers of the 13 Kumaon Regiment fought valiantly against China.

Though the demand gained momentum during the Lok Sabha campaign, the Modi government had refused, saying it was not for caste-based regiments.

The Congress has extended support to the protesters, accusing the BJP of using the Ahir–Yadav community as an electoral asset while ignoring their core issues. Sources told NH that the BJP leadership does not want the two protests to converge. Meanwhile, BJP insiders admit that chief minister Saini is worried. If caste pride and regional identity merge, this has the potential to become a full-blown political headache.

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Khattar as next BJP chief?

Another drama with links to Haryana is unfolding on the national stage. The BJP has completed formalities for the selection of its next national president including the appointment of state unit heads in over 50 per cent of the states. Three frontrunners have emerged as contenders for the top post — Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Bhupender Yadav and Manohar Lal Khattar, all serving Union cabinet ministers.

Of the three, Khattar seems to have an edge. A dedicated Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) pracharak since 1977, he joined the BJP in 1994. His ideological continuity, organisational loyalty and administrative experience make him a strong contender.

A Punjabi baniya, Khattar made his electoral debut in 2014 and by becoming the first non-Jat chief minister of the state, disrupted well-entrenched caste equations. A decade later, he transitioned to the national stage after handing over the state’s reins to his protégé Nayab Singh Saini in March 2024.

The 2024 Lok Sabha elections, saw him winning the Karnal Lok Sabha seat by a margin of over 2.35 lakh votes, further consolidating his image as a dependable leader with wide appeal.

His longstanding rapport with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, dating back to their days together in the party’s organisational set-up during the 1990s, could also be a crucial factor in a high-stakes leadership transition.

Chouhan, the former Madhya Pradesh chief minister, also enjoys RSS backing. But political analysts say his independent stature may work against him. Bhupender Yadav, a close confidant of Union home minister Amit Shah, has played a key behind-the-scenes role in managing elections and party affairs. His low-profile but high-impact presence makes him a strong candidate — though his lack of mass appeal may be a mitigating factor.

Both Chouhan and Yadav are OBC, but with Modi already representing this group, the party might look elsewhere. In many ways, Khattar represents a safe, strategic, and ideologically sound choice — someone who ticks all the boxes.