Tamil Nadu: Vijay’s new script and high notes in the TMK saga

Last month, actor Vijay made his second major public appearance following the launch of his new political party, the TVK (Tamil Vetri Katchi or the Tamil Victory Party), with great fanfare in Vikravandi, Villupuram district.

Scripted as it was to shine the spotlight on Vijay, with a giant cutout of Ambedkar towering over the venue, few expected the launch of a book — Ellarakomana Thalaivar Ambedkar (Ambedkar, a leader for all) — to take the twist that it did. After asking, “What would Ambedkar make of politics today?” the actor-turned-politician launched a broadside against the ruling DMK, invoking the legacy of the Dalit icon to take on chief minister M.K. Stalin and his heir apparent Udayanidhi Stalin, recently named deputy chief minister.

As in the rest of India, Tamil politicians routinely pay lip service to Ambedkar in their speeches, but he is largely a neglected icon. Dalits, who comprise roughly one fifth of the state’s population, continue to be marginalised. Published by the Vikatan group, the book is a collection of essays on Ambedkar including one by Dalit scholar and professor Anand Teltumbde, who was present at the launch.

Reports said that Thol. Thirumavalavan, the Chidambaram Lok Sabha MP and leader of the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK, formerly known as the Dalit Panthers of India) was to attend but dropped out because of pressure from the DMK, an ally. However, Aadhav Arjuna, a deputy general secretary of the VCK — and one of its most energetic forces — was present. Arjuna is the son-in-law of ‘lottery king’ Santiago Martin, one of the biggest purchasers of electoral bonds. Martin is on good terms with powerful politicians in the states where he does business and is reported to be close to top brass in the DMK.

Vijay used the opportunity to further his battle against what he calls “Tamil Nadu’s dynastic politics”. Critics accused him of ignoring Ambedkar and shifting focus from the book to creating a divide between a Dalit (VCK) and a Dravida (DMK) party. However, what made headlines was Arjuna’s attack on the DMK. He criticised its politics and took potshots at Udayanidhi Stalin, who he summarily dismissed as “merely a film actor” with no business in politics. Udayanidhi has a relatively anonymous film career in Kollywood; he is certainly not a top draw, and few outside the state are likely to be aware of his films.

Arjuna, who runs Voice of Commons, a political strategy firm, was earlier with the DMK. He was a confidant of Stalin’s son-inlaw Sabareesan, and part of the party’s strategy group. He was instrumental in inducting strategists Sunil Kanugolu and Prashant Kishor into the successful election campaigns of the DMK. Though not a Dalit himself, Arjuna appears to have impressed Thirumalavan sufficiently to be admitted into the VCK and appointed deputy general secretary over the objections of party veterans. Insiders said the DMK had warned the VCK supremo that Arjuna was “nothing but trouble.”

The fallout was quick: Thirumavalavan, facing heat from his party and his poll ally DMK, suspended Arjuna’s party membership and distanced both himself and the VCK from Arjuna. Subsequently, Arjuna quit the party. There is speculation that he may join either the AIADMK or Vijay’s TVK, but the man himself has been circumspect, saying only that he will continue the fight against caste oppression.

The damage, however, was done. There is speculation of a rift between the two parties over issues of power sharing.

The DMK enjoys a brute majority on its own and has not inducted partners into the government; this is a tradition that both Dravidian parties have kept alive over the years. Vijay has drawn attention to this in his speeches and said he would share power with his allies if he wins the elections.

Awarded, but not the awardee

The T.M. Krishna music award controversy took another turn on 16 December with the Supreme Court issuing an interim order barring the Carnatic singer from being recognised as the Sangita Kalanidhi 2024 awardee. On 15 December, the Madras Music Academy presented Krishna the award, instituted in memory of M.S. Subbulakshmi who passed away in December 2004. But Krishna cannot claim the title until the court decides the petition filed by the legendary vocalist’s grandson V. Srinivasan.

Srinivasan alleges that MS had forbidden any memorial in her name and besides, Krishna had called MS a “saintly Barbie doll” and “the greatest hoax of the 20th century”.

Krishna has denied the allegations, saying he holds MS, best known for her rendition of the Venkatesa Suprabatham, in the highest regard. Earlier, a single judge of the Madras High Court had upheld the same injunction against the Music Academy and the Hindu group of publications, citing a provision in M.S. Subbulakshmi’s will that opposed any memorialisation.

This was overturned by a division bench, which permitted the awards function. Srinivasan approached the Supreme Court, which admitted the plea and stopped Krishna from projecting himself as the MS awardee, until the matter is resolved.

The controversy that wasn’t

Music composer Ilayaraja’s visit to the famous Andal temple in Srivilliputtur sparked a row, with videos circulating of him being escorted out of the inner chamber by temple priests and officials.

Social media went wild, with rumours flying about that entry was denied because he’s a Dalit. The truth however was more prosaic. Ilayaraja was visiting the temple in southern Tamil Nadu along with two jeeyars — Vaishnavite religious authorities who fall under the lineage of the reformer Ramanuja — and had been ceremonially welcomed by temple authorities.

As the jeeyars proceeded towards the inner sanctum, priests stopped Ilayaraja. Tradition permits only priests, jeeyars and temple staff to enter the sanctum sanctorum and its arthamandapa (antechamber). Ilayaraja himself clarified that he had not been treated badly, and deplored the rumours.

Religiosity and rationalism

The auspicious month of Margazhi, the ninth month in the Tamil calendar, starting 16 December, is a time of piety in Tamil Nadu.

Women especially wake up early to worship, Vaishnavite temples echo with recitals of the Thiruppavai, Andal’s tribute to Vishnu, while in Shiva temples, it is the Thiruvembavai and the Thirupalliezhuchi that rings out. Krishna is believed to have said, “I am Margazhi among the months”, indicating how special it is. Incidentally, winter solstice, the shortest day of the year (22 December) falls in the month of Margazhi.

Margazhi exemplifies the deep embedding of religion in the Tamil psyche; this is a state where almost every street has a temple, usually an Amman (Shakti) or Vinayaka temple. This is in stark contrast to the rationalism of the Dravidian parties, which dominate politics. This duality — overwhelmingly religious in their personal life while voting for the social justice platform of the Dravidian parties — has been remarked upon by observers of Tamil Nadu politics.

It is perhaps this orientation of the state’s Hindus — who comprise about 88 per cent of the population — and the relative peace and harmony between the different communities that accounts for their imperviousness to the BJP’s brand of muscular Hinduism. Despite their occasional successes, the Hindutva party has not made significant inroads in Tamil Nadu; and it is not for want of trying.