Madhya Pradesh: The propriety of temples inside police stations

It took an 82-year-old retired government employee, now a practising advocate, to petition Jabalpur High Court against religious structures inside police stations. The petition filed by Om Prakash Yadav claims that as many as 800 of the 1,259 police stations in Madhya Pradesh contain religious structures. This is a misuse of government property and a violation of the Supreme Court’s 2009 directive that prohibits the unauthorised construction of any temple, church, mosque or gurdwara in public spaces across the country.

A two-member bench of chief justice Suresh Kumar Kait and justice Vivek Jain admitted the petition, ordered ‘status quo’ to be maintained and sought an explanation from the government. Expressing dissatisfaction at the response from the government on 17 December, the court directed the state government to submit a comprehensive and factual report within seven days, fixing the next hearing on 6 January. The issue is serious, observed the court: religious structures violated the core principles of the Constitution.

In its response, the government accused the petitioner of being a publicity seeker. It told the high court that the petition was meant to harass the police and was ill-founded because no religious structure was found in any of the police stations. The government also asserted that instead of going to court, the petitioner should have approached the district magistrate to address the issue.

Satish Verma, one of the lawyers assisting the petitioner, told National Herald that police stations are government land, the police are trustees and the construction of places of worship inside police stations is in direct violation of the orders issued by both the Supreme Court and the high court.

Yadav, who practises law in the high court, maintains that construction of religious structures within police stations is not possible without the approval of senior officials. Many of them, he claims, were actually inaugurated by district police chiefs (SPs). Subsequent SPs hesitate to remove these structures even if they disapprove; sometimes there is political pressure and on other occasions, they are dissuaded by their desire to appease a section of the population. Such conduct, Yadav says, is “unlawful, motivated, malafide and a breach of duty”.

Following the Supreme Court’s 2009 directive prohibiting religious structures on public property, the Madhya Pradesh government had removed as many as 571 religious structures by 2013. The apex court had directed both state governments and Union Territories to review such structures and take appropriate action and empowered the high courts to supervise the implementation of the order and deal with petitions alleging contempt of court.

The development assumes significance in view of current conditions in the country. All eyes will be on the revised report filed by the state government — will it pray for more time and try to deflect the issue?

Protests halt privatisation

Pressure from civil society and people’s protests have forced the state government to backtrack on its decision to hand district government hospitals over to private bidders for development as medical colleges. The public-private partnership model was set in motion four months ago. Bids were invited online in July for setting up 100-bed medical colleges in 12 of the poorest districts. The idea was to upgrade existing district hospitals.

Under the terms of the tender, once the government handed over an existing district hospital to the selected bidder, it would be the latter’s responsibility to build and finance the medical college and upgrade the hospital facilities. The bidder would then manage, maintain and operate the hospital.

A quarter of the beds in each upgraded hospital would be paying beds. The districts chosen for this privatisation project were among the state’s poorest in terms of per capita income — Katni, Morena, Panna, Balaghat, Bhind, Dhar, Guna, Khargone, Seoni, Tikamgarh, Sidhi and Betul.

The reserve or base rate for each district was pegged at Rs 260 crore. The deputy chief minister and health minister Rajendra Shukla defended the scheme by saying it would improve government healthcare facilities in the districts. However, the prospect of privatisation and making both routine and emergency services chargeable upset healthcare activists, patients’ rights groups and sections within the BJP. Protests broke out in various districts including Sidhi, 600 km from Bhopal, which has the largest health facility in the region, catering to a million people.

Umesh Tiwari, who led the protests, says Sidhi is among the most backward parts of MP. “Despite inadequate infrastructure, staff and resources, free treatment makes the district hospital a lifeline not just for the district but also for adjoining areas. If it gets privatised, who will cater to the 1,000 poor patients who queue up daily at the Out Patients’ Department alone?” Tiwari asks.

Nearly 75 per cent of the patients belong to the Gonds, the Baigas and the Bhils, the state’s most vulnerable tribal communities. Following intense pressure from different quarters including the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan, a health watchdog, the government decided to hit the pause button and review the scheme.

Rajendra Shukla claims that according to the new proposal being worked out, district hospitals are likely to serve as “teaching hospitals” for the new private medical colleges. This model, he gushed, would help increase the number of medical colleges in the state from 31 to over 50.

The Board insists it’s all above board

The ‘normalisation virus’ has felled the infamous VYAPAM, now known as the Madhya Pradesh Employees Selection Board (MPESB).

Unfair examinations and questionable results had dogged the recruitment process in the state, known as the VYAPAM scam, which came to light in 2013 and compelled inquires by the police and CBI. As many as 50 medical students had reportedly died by suicide.

On 16 December 2024, candidates who appeared for the 2023 joint recruitment test for appointment to the forest and prison departments hit the streets to protest against the topper — Raja Bhaiya Prajapati, an aspirant from Satna — securing 101.66 marks out of 100.

“This is the first time a candidate has scored more than the full marks, due to the normalisation process adopted in the recruitment exam,” said protesters, demanding an inquiry. The Board insisted everything was above board. Under the normalisation process, it is possible, they said, for candidates to secure more than full marks (100) and less than the lowest mark (zero).

Normalisation is a process adopted when the number of candidates is high and tests are held over several days and shifts. Due to varying levels of difficulty, the normalisation process is adopted, the Board explained, to ensure no examinee is advantaged or disadvantaged, with scores being revised to make them comparable. However, the peeved candidates remain unconvinced.

Begging your pardon, it’s not allowed

The cleanest city in India now aspires to be beggar-free. From 1 January 2025 it will be a criminal offence to give alms in Indore (and nine other cities). In July this year, Indore had made it a criminal offence to buy any product from or give alms to children.

From New Year’s Day, giving alms to elders will also be an offence, said the DM. The move is possibly a sequel to media reports of a 60-year-old woman begging outside a temple. She was found to be in possession of Rs 75,000, which she claimed were her takings from the previous week. She was picked up and sent to a shelter in Sevadham Ashram in Ujjain.