The Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance) in Bihar, spearheaded by the Congress, Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), and allies, has unveiled a bold 10-point ‘Atipichhda Nyay Sankalp’ (Justice Resolution for Extremely Backward Classes) ahead of the 2025 assembly elections.
This marks the most targeted attempt in recent memory to secure the allegiance of Bihar’s EBC groups, who form over 36 per cent of the state’s electorate and reside at the base of the socio-political pyramid.
The ‘Atipichhda Nyay Sankalp’ goes well beyond standard electioneering, however. Prominent pledges include:
• Enacting a dedicated EBC Atrocities Prevention Act, modelled on the SC/ST Act, to provide robust legal protection against discrimination and violence.
• Raising EBC reservation in panchayats and municipal bodies from 20 per cent to 30 per cent, and seeking to breach the 50 per cent quota ceiling in overall reservations proportional to population share.
• Declaring the “not found suitable” practice in recruitment illegal, targeting administrative opacity that has historically hurt EBC candidates.
• Establishing review committees for under- or over-inclusion in EBC lists.
• Providing land entitlements for the landless (3 decimals urban, 5 decimals rural), doubling down on economic justice.
• Reserving half of all EBC-segmented educational slots in private schools, and mandating 50 per cent reservations in government contracts up to Rs 25 crore.
• The resolution also calls for the implementation of reservation for EBCs in private educational institutions under Article 15(5) of the Constitution, an audacious expansion of affirmative action.
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The centrality of EBC politics cannot be underestimated in Bihar. The group, once the ultimate swing bloc, has largely supported chief minister Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) for two decades. However, sources within both the Congress and the RJD admit that the electoral allegiance of the EBCs has always been accompanied by apprehensions, especially around a possible RJD resurgence, given legacy issues linked to the party’s social base and governance image.
The Grand Alliance’s EBC resolution is thus both a promise and a plea — to convince EBCs that their future lies outside Nitish Kumar’s shadow.
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The move is especially crucial for the Congress. Once the default party for the marginalised, the Congress is today a marginal player in Bihar. The CWC’s recent meeting in Patna — the first in over eight decades — signifies a symbolic reset.
By embracing social justice and EBC-centric policies, the Congress hopes not merely to claw back lost ground in Bihar, but also to craft a blueprint for its revival in other states where it has receded to the periphery. This foray into EBC justice, if electorally fruitful, may serve as the model for Congress’s social justice playbook nationwide.
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But can such an EBC outreach indeed be a game changer?
The answer hinges on the Congress’s ability to deliver inclusivity without alienating traditional allies. The 10-point Nyay Sankalp signals a shift from a 'rainbow coalition' approach to laser-focused social engineering, reminiscent of strategies deployed by regional satraps in north India during the Mandal era.
If this outreach results in tangible seat gains, Congress may find the courage to deploy similar tactics in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Haryana, overhauling its stagnant strategies for the marginalised sections across northern India.
Another variable is whether the EBC constituency, marked by sub-caste fragmentation and anti-Yadav sentiment, will buy into a Congress–RJD blueprint, particularly when the leadership question remains unresolved.
The Congress has suggested — if not overtly stated — its acceptance of Tejashwi Yadav as the chief-ministerial face, with both parties displaying public bonhomie. But there have been doubters, and loud ones.
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However, if the Sankalp can erode the EBC base of the JD(U) and mobilise these 'silent voters', the result may not only shift the political weather in Bihar but successfully rewrite the Congress’ fortunes elsewhere.
It began with the Congress’ insistence on a caste census, first in states where it held the majority and then amplified into a nationwide demand. This segued into the challenge to the 50 per cent reservation ceiling, which has been amplified through the Sankalp.
This push positions the Congress — embodied to a great degree in Rahul Gandhi as the — as the 'nyay yoddha' (warrior for justice) among OBCs and EBCs, a space largely vacated in recent decades. Public speeches by Gandhi and party president Mallikarjun Kharge have foregrounded issues of representation, dignity and economic justice, concepts with resonance beyond Bihar’s border.
Should the model succeed, expect state-level Congress units to replicate EBC-targeted manifestos in other large states, potentially forcing a national conversation on affirmative action and sub-categorisation within OBC quotas.
Despite a spirited show of unity — seen in the Voter Adhikar Yatra — there are underlying tensions in the opposition camp, notably over seat-sharing and leadership, with most allies looking to the RJD to take the lead in discussions.
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Past experience shows the Congress’ strike rate in Bihar has been abysmally low, so the challenge now is to engineer an electoral understanding that maximises the EBC push without sparking intra-bloc squabbles. For allies like the Vikassheel Insaan Party’s Mukesh Sahani, an EBC leader himself, as well as the CPI(M) are pushing for more seats and a share of the post-poll government.
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A successful EBC outreach could either paper over or exacerbate these fissures, especially as smaller allies demand an equitable share of the spoils.
However, as the 2025 Bihar assembly polls approach, the Mahagathbandhan’s move may disrupt the established arithmetic on the state's political chessboard thus far.
The EBC Nyay Sankalp directly challenges the JD(U)’s most stable vote bank and, if implemented, promises a radical transformation in local governance and the distribution of power. The Mahagathbandhan’s gamble must convert this resolution into an electoral wave among the EBCs — one that could upend existing equations and snatch defeat from the jaws of a previously secure Nitish Kumar-led NDA coalition.
A successful demonstration in Bihar would have ripple effects in other states; already, Congress strategists are looking at sub-regional alliances and EBC-based mobilisation as the new engine for political expansion.
The 10-point Atipichhda Nyay Sankalp is not just an election promise but a manifesto for a new social compact in Bihar. For the Congress, it is a litmus test — can it ride the wave of social justice beyond Bihar and find a new political raison d’être among the marginalised?
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If the resolution delivers votes, it could well become the iron frame securing the Congress’ place in the competitive world of backward caste politics not just in Bihar, but across India. If it fails, it may well reinforce the perception of the Congress having fallen out of touch with India’s social realities, a party relying on outdated political bargains.
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This is a moment of reckoning, then — for Bihar’s EBCs, for the Mahagathbandhan’s internal dynamics and for the Congress’ larger national ambitions.
The verdict lies in the hands of the state’s most voiceless electorate — that possibly facing a bigger suppression than ever before, per the INDIA bloc’s accusations levelled at the Election Commission — and by November, the rest of the country may well be watching to see if Bihar’s experiment in justice paves a path for progressive politics across India.
Finally, to make the ‘Atipichhda Nyay Sankalp’ not just an aspirational charter but a robust engine of social justice, there must be an unambiguous emphasis on police and judicial protection for the EBCs. A dedicated EBC Atrocities Prevention Act, modelled on the SC/ST Act, must be backed by specialised investigation units, fast-track courts to address caste-based crimes and mandatory sensitisation protocols for law enforcement personnel.
Only with assured police responsiveness and an empowered judicial redressal mechanism can the EBCs feel genuinely secure in asserting their rights. If implemented sincerely, these safeguards would transform the Sankalp from a set of promises into a lived reality, turning legal equality into social dignity, and ensuring that the promise of justice touches even the most vulnerable in Bihar’s social hierarchy.
Views are personal
Hasnain Naqvi is a former member of the history faculty at St Xavier’s College, Mumbai
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