Nation

Arunachal Pradesh: ‘We will become refugees in our own land’

A state up in arms against a dam that poses an existential threat to the indigenous Adi and Galo communities

A rally in Itanagar on 29 Oct in support of those protesting the proposed Siang project
A rally in Itanagar on 29 Oct in support of those protesting the proposed Siang project 

Tensions across the Siang river belt reached a flashpoint as long-simmering anti-dam protests spilled over from the rural heartland into the major urban centres of Arunachal Pradesh. At the heart of the turmoil is the proposed 11,200-megawatt Siang Upper Multipurpose Project (SUMP).

The last week of October saw east Siang, upper Siang and Siang districts wracked by clashes between security forces and local demonstrators, the torching of government assets and mass arrests of indigenous youth leaders. The state administration imposed prohibitory orders and shutdowns and deployed 30 companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) in Pasighat to enforce a curfew.

On 20 October, around 700-800 youths, students and residents gathered in Pasighat to oppose ongoing surveys for pre-feasibility reports (PFR). Their demands included the release of activists previously detained under the Arunachal Pradesh Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, the withdrawal of central security forces from the Siang belt and suspension of all project-related activities.

On 22 October, the demonstrators began their peaceful 24-hour sit-in at Miracle Ground. On 23-24 October, a 12-hour bandh, called by Adi Bane Kebang United (ABKU) and associated groups turned violent.

Protesters threw stones and ransacked offices belonging to the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) and local administrative bodies. The police responded with tear gas shelling and lathi charges. Several vehicles were set on fire, leaving a trail of burnt debris in the streets of Pasighat.

State authorities initiated a crackdown and arrested prominent faces of the movement, including Gen Z youth leaders and representatives from the Siang Indigenous Farmers’ Forum (SIFF). Several activists launched a hunger strike in police custody, further galvanising support among locals.

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New Delhi sees SUMP not only as a power-generation asset, but as a geopolitical buffer. Upstream in Tibet’s Medog County, China has reportedly commenced constructing a massive 60-gigawatt dam on the Yarlung Tsangpo river (which becomes the Siang upon entering India). Security strategists argue that India requires a large reservoir downstream to absorb sudden release — or intentional withholding — of water by an aggressive China upstream.

“It is a project of national interest,” said Ninong Ering, MLA (Pasighat west). “What if China releases water and uses its upstream infrastructure as a water bomb? We need checks and balances in place, which is why the Centre is keen to complete this project.”

Arunachal chief minister Pema Khandu insists that public anxieties stem from “misinformation and misconceptions” circulated by “interest groups”. Khandu has urged residents to allow pre-feasibility surveys so that transparent data can be generated and shared.

For the indigenous Adi and Galo communities, who have inhabited the Siang valley for generations, the dam poses an existential threat. The proposed structure would submerge 27 ancestral villages, displace nearly 1.5 lakh indigenous people and inundate agricultural land and historic settlements such as Yingkiong and Geku.

“We will become refugees in our own land,” says Tajom Ejing of SIFF, a resident of Geku village. “Even if the PFR is completed, we will not allow the construction of the dam. The state government should speak directly with the people instead of deploying military forces.”

Locals emphasise that the Siang is deeply intertwined with their identity, folklore and agrarian legacy. Other than displacement, geologists and environmentalists have warned about high seismic risks in the eastern Himalaya, pointing out that such a large-scale storage reservoir could heighten earthquake vulnerability and ecological disruption in downstream Assam.

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At the time of writing, the stalemate continues, even as the situation across the Siang belt remains fragile. On cue from the state government, district magistrates of east and upper Siang have signalled their readiness to facilitate talks between village elders and government representatives, provided law and order is maintained. However, community leaders maintain that no dialogue can take place while central paramilitary forces occupy local villages and activists remain behind bars.

A section of Arunachal Pradesh’s political leadership blames the state government for the stalemate.

“Anti-SUMP activists are committed; they are going about their campaign with missionary zeal. As a result, they were able to convince villagers about the project’s devastating effects on their habitat, livelihood and future,” a senior leader told National Herald on condition of anonymity.

He believes the state government’s enthusiasm to push the project through has backfired. “Although we are still at the PFR stage, the government behaved as if the project is already a done deal. PFR is just a preliminary study. Unless it is completed, we cannot say if the project should go ahead or be abandoned,” he added.

Rather than suppressing the agitation through brute force, the state government has to find a way to break the prevailing stalemate. This will involve listening to community leaders, engaging credibly with gram sabhas and the young people agitating on the streets of Pasighat and elsewhere in the northeast.

As India seeks to fortify its eastern border and secure water rights against its upstream adversaries (read China), the continuing resistance in the Siang valley underscores the challenges of balancing national strategic interests with indigenous self-determination and ecological preservation.

Sourabh Sen is a Kolkata-based independent writer and commentator on politics, human rights and foreign affairs. More of his writing here

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